Notes
I
Introduction
1 Michel Foucault, ‘‘Power and Strategies,’’ in Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and
Other Writings, 1972–77, trans. and ed. Colin Gordon (New York: Pantheon, 1980),
139.
2 Slavoj
ˇ
Ziˇ zek, The Sublime Object of Ideology (London and New York: Verso, 1989), 99.
3 Jürgen Habermas, ‘‘Citizenship and National Identity,’’ in The Condition of Citizen-
ship, ed. Bart van Steenbergen (London: Sage, 1994), 21–22.
4 Benedict Anderson’s delineation of the characteristics of modern nationhood
apply here, as he asserts that the nation is ‘‘imagined’’ in that although most
members will never meet they still have a communal image that produces a sense
of horizontal unity regardless of hierarchical inequalities. Nationalism is a neutral
term for Anderson. See his Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of
Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983). For an account of the specifically American
variant of this imagined nationhood, see Donald Pease, ‘‘National Identities, Post-
modern Artifacts, and Postnational Narratives,’’ boundary 2 19.1 (1992): 5.
5 Raymond Williams, Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1976), 82–87.
6 See, for instance, Dorinda Outram, The Body and the French Revolution: Sex, Class, and
Political Culture (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1989); and An-
drew Parker et al., eds., Nationalisms and Sexualities (New York and London: Rout-
ledge, 1992).
7 The growing movement for the civil rights of African-Americans did mobilize this
internal contradiction through a wartime Double V campaign, which suggested a
link between the international struggle against fascism and the national struggle
against racism. See Thomas Cripps, Making Movies Black: The Hollywood Message
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