1. ‘‘Even Mathematics, Natural Philosophy and Natural Religion
some measure dependent upon a science of Man; since they lie und
cognizance of men, and are judged of by their powers and faculties.’’
Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature, 2d ed., ed. L. A. Selby-Bigge and
Nidditch (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), xv; cited by Jacobs
108, 130n13.
2. See Flory 1987, Forsdyke 2006, Lang 1984, Long 1987, Stadler 200
on the continuation of arguments about empire, money, power, and c
thought in Thucydides, Kallet 2001, Sahlins 2004.
Chapter 1. Culture and Cultural Analysis as Experiment
1. Parts of this and the following introductory paragraphs and pa
sections 5–7 have been excerpted under ‘‘Culture and Cultural Analy
Problematizing Global Knowledge: Special Issue, of Theory Culture S
23(2–3) (March-May 2006): 360–64.
2. There have often been suggestions that the culture concept is exha
is used too thinly by nonanthropologists, or is so misused that it sho
abandoned by anthropologists. Cultural thinness was an idea propos
Robert Levy in his study of Tahitian culture (1973) as a way of characte
certain of its cultural accounting procedures in contrast to cultures th
such accounting in more complicated and detailed ways. This compa
contrast was similar to the contrast that Terence Turner described be
his frustrating experience talking to the Kayapo of the Brazilian Amazo
that of Victor Turner holding rich ‘‘seminars’’ on symbolism with his Nd
informants. George Marcus would much later adopt the usage ‘‘thin eth
phy’’ to characterize strategies of rapid ethnography in business sc
among cultural studies writers claiming to do ethnography, or the
others who think doing a few interviews is what anthropology mea
ethnography. These have their uses, but they are usually instrumenta
that are rather di√erent from traditional ‘‘thick description’’ (Cli√ord G
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