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notes
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Preface
1 The most famous of such croppings is that acknowledged by Cli√ord Geertz in his
book After the Fact. Almost three decades after the fact, Geertz uncomfortably ac-
knowledged that his classic Balinese fieldwork transpired in the midst of genocidal
warfare that he had hidden with his thick descriptions (cf. Geertz 1995; Price 2003b;
Reyna 1998).
2 There are some striking exceptions to this trend. Charles Harris’s and Louis Sadler’s
account of the archaeologist Sylvanus Morley’s Central American espionage docu-
ments fascinating episodes of anthropological espionage—but as historians, Harris and
Sadler’s lack of concern with anthropological ethics diminishes their analysis (Harris
and Sadler 2003). A few sources examined Vietnam War–era controversies (Hickey
2003; Wakin 1992), and there are a few memoirs and duty accounts of World War Two
veteran-anthropologists (Coon 1980; Mead 1979). Except for Wakin’s groundbreaking
work, these books tend to examine—or, more often, justify—specific incidents while
ignoring larger systemic issues of American anthropology’s historical assistance in U.S.
foreign wars.
3 Some anthropologists and historians have examined American anthropologists’ ac-
tivities during World War Two, but none has tried to synthesize a picture of the full
range of anthropological activities undertaken by these applied servants of the state.
Most of these works either quickly summarize the entire field’s contributions to the
war or they gloss over uncomfortable situations in which individuals used anthropo-
logical techniques to bring harm to people (see Mabee 1987; Yans-McLaughlin 1986b).
George W. Stocking’s 1976 introduction to a collection of essays published in the
interwar years in the American Anthropologist remains an important statement of how
American anthropology viewed its involvement in this war (Stocking 1976). Among the
essential considerations of American anthropology during World War Two are Bennett
1947; Coon 1980; Cooper 1947; Doob 1947; Drinnon 1987; Embree 1943a; Katz 1989;
Linton 1945; Price 1998b; Starn 1986; Stocking 1976; Suzuki 1981; Yans-McLaughlin
1986b.
4 The ‘‘Preface to the Phoenix Edition’’ of Culture and Evolution finds Stocking retreating
from earlier statements (in a 1968 book review in Science 1986a) criticizing Marvin
Harris’s ‘‘presentivist’’ stance in considering the history of anthropology. Stocking’s
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