notes
prologue
1. Borders quoted in Marion Gaines, ‘‘Negroes Acclaim Bus Integration.’’ Atlanta
Constitution, 21 January 1959. The contrast between the desegregation e√orts in
Montgomery and Atlanta could not have been more obvious. The e√ort in Mont-
gomery was as much a woman-centered Black working-class movement as one
centered around a charismatic young preacher. In Atlanta, however, the e√ort was
thoroughly male, top-down, fairly informal, and calculatingly passive. For a far
more detailed discussion of elite Black activism in Atlanta during the first half of
the twentieth century consult the following: Davis, A Clashing of the Soul; Rouse,
Lugenia Burns Hope; Kuhn, Joye, and West, Living Atlanta; Spritzer and Bergmark,
Grace Towns Hamilton and the Politics of Southern Change; Dittmer, Black Georgia in the
Progressive Era, 1900–1920; Martin, The Angelo Herndon Case and Southern Justice; and
Grady-Willis, ‘‘A Changing Tide,’’ esp. 10–54.
2. Margaret Shannon, ‘‘Atlanta Negro Leadership Emerges with a New Look,’’ At-
lanta Journal, 28 February 1960; Atlanta Committee for Cooperative Action, A
Second Look, foreword, Facts on Film, Southern Educational Reporting Service,
N10 196.
3. A Second Look. As part of a regional trend, local o≈cials enforced de jure residential
segregation for a brief period beginning in 1913; de facto segregation continues
nationally. See Massey and Denton, American Apartheid, 41 and passim.
4. A Second Look.
5. With the notable exception of Komozi Woodard and Nikhil Pal Singh, scholars
have been reticent in their written work to use the term apartheid in the U.S.
context. George Fredrickson, in his groundbreaking 1981 comparative study of
race relations in the United States and South Africa, noted that in spite of ‘‘some
resemblances in practice and a good deal of similarity in ideology and spirit,’’
fundamental di√erences existed between the nature of the oppression of Blacks in
the United States and Africans under ‘‘separate development’’ and apartheid in
South Africa. Fredrickson argued that U.S. Blacks had been ‘‘more influenced by
white culture’’ than their African counterparts and furthermore that ‘‘southern
blacks were theoretically citizens of a democratic nation, and not conquered
aliens.’’ Nevertheless, he asserted that the situation of African Americans in the
Jim Crow South did parallel that of the so-called Cape Colored population, since
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