notes
Introduction
1. Local names are pseudonyms; I use real names only for public figures.
2. I use the honorifics Don and Doña for people above the age of about fifty- five. For
the middle generation I dispense with honorifics because although San Nicola-
denses are quite formal, they generally do too. I try to dissuade all but children
from referring to me as Doña Laura.
3. This is not to say that land distribution was perfect; it failed miserably in Chiapas,
and much land distributed during agrarian reform cannot sustain communities.
Nor is it to deny that land disputes are central to coastal history. Indeed, chapter 1
is devoted to such disputes. But many coastal belt communities received some of
the best land in Mexico.
4. Today between one- quarter and one- third of Guerrerenses live in el norte (S!Paz
International Service for Peace 2009). Despite the U.S. recession, at least in 2008–9
most Mexican immigrants were not returning home (Passell and Cohn 2009). In-
deed, even with new and draconian state laws, such as Arizona’s sb1070, escalating
drug-related violence, increasingly in southern Mexico but especially in Mexico’s
northern states, continues to send Mexicans across the border.
5. Since the implementation in 1994 of the North American Free Trade Agreement
(naFta), Mexico’s agricultural sector has contracted, and foreign investment has
not poured in while agricultural imports have, thus all but destroying local mar-
kets. Today, three small farmers must work to achieve the same income that one
would have brought in prior to naFta, but the agricultural terms of the agree-
ment have not been renegotiated (Carlsen 2008; De Ita 2008).
6. For me foundational theoretical discussions of Latin American and Caribbean
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