1 Ginsburg (1989), for example, explores the intertwinings of life cycles and com-
mitments to collective action among grassroots abortion activists (on both sides
of the divide, i.e., ‘‘right-to-life’’ and ‘‘pro-choice’’ militants); Rupp and Taylor
(1987) feature the intersection of biography and activism among feminists in the
American women’s rights movement during the 1940s and 1950s; Rogers (1993)
studies the lives of black and white civil rights leaders in New Orleans during
the 1950s and 1960s, paying particular attention to the origins of their activ-
ism; Downton and Wehr (1997), in turn, examine the personal attributes and
life experiences behind the long-term commitment of ‘‘persistent’’ peace activ-
that, formerly used in creating family and community networks, women bring
into their organizing efforts in the labor force. The best-known studies of the
diffusion of mobilization tactics are Doug McAdam’s 1988 work on the tactics
feminist, and peace movements (see also Meyer and Whittier 1994); and Ellen
DuBois’s 1978 analysis of the continuity, in methods and ideologies, between the
antislavery movement and the women’s rights movement in the United States.
For a recent approach to the relevance of biography in social movement studies,
see Jasper 1997.
2 For a classic statement on resource mobilization theory, see McCarthy and Zald
1973, 1977; for the political opportunities approach, see McAdam 1982; Tarrow
1998; and also Tilly 1978. On framing (and its critics) see Snow and Benford
1988, 1992; Benford and Snow 2000; Tarrow 1992; Steinberg 1998; Poletta 1998a.
For the recent ‘‘relational turn’’ in the sociology of collective action, focusing on
the mechanisms and processes at the root of diverse episodes of contention, see
McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly 2001.
3 For a general appraisal of the virtues and shortcomings of the uses of the notion
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