Notes
A list of abbreviations used in references to archival sources can be found on pp. 237–38.
1 A Social History of Politics
1 Franco V., Apuntamientos para la historia, 1:94–110; quotation from Jorge Quijano and Thirty-seven
Others to Julián Trujillo, 30 April 1877, agn, sr, flm, t. 155, p. 330.
Unless otherwise noted, all translations are mine. I have not corrected the orthography of
nineteenth-century sources except for obvious typographic errors. I have updated the spelling of
place-names, except in the titles of works.
2 El Montañes, 1 Feb. 1876; Simón [Arboleda] to T. C. de Mosquera, Coconuco, 14 Feb. 1859, acc,
sm, #36,041.
3 Throughout this book I use Colombia in place of the various designations used in the nineteenth
century—except in quotations.
4Although Bushnell recognizes that new research may reveal such conclusions to be overstated,
his synthesis of modern Colombian history exemplifies this trend. For example: ‘‘Yet the political
framework directly touched the lives and a√airs of only a small minority of the population’’
(Bushnell, The Making of Modern Colombia, 74; see also 65–66, 78, 93–95, 116). For his challenge
to explore clientelism further, see Bushnell, ‘‘Assessing the Legacy of Liberalism,’’ 285.
In his classic El café en Colombia, Marco Palacios recognized that an often-overlooked di√erence
between the Conservative and the Liberal Parties was their relationship with subaltern classes
(see Palacios, El café en Colombia, 29). However, in a more recent survey, he takes a more tradi-
tional view, seeing political history as the ebb and flow of elite factionalism in a Colombia
seemingly ‘‘immune to the democratic virus’’ (Palacios, Entre la legitimidad, 36; see also 15).
See also Colmenares, Partidos políticos, 24–30; McGreevey, Economic History, 75–77, 96; Tirado
Mejía, Aspectos sociales, 37–38; Delpar, Red against Blue, 39–41; Fals Borda, Historia doble, vol. 2;
Valencia Llano, Estado Soberano del Cauca, 14–16, 44, 59–60, 127; and Lynch, The Spanish American
Revolutions, 347–51. Valencia Llano’s more recent essays show much more concern with popular
politics (see, e.g., ‘‘La guerra de 1851’’). Fernán E. González González recognizes that the Liberal
Party served briefly as a vehicle to express popular sentiment, but he generally views nineteenth-
century politics as largely clientelist (see González González, Para leer la política, 1:33–40).
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