N
opening
1 For more on identity, social movements, and globalization see Alvar
(1998), Escobar et al. (1992), Featherstone (1990, 1995), and Lowe an
(1997).
2 For more on this process and its relationship to governmentality, see Ba
(1996), Burchell (1996), Dean (1999), Escobar (1995), Ferguson (1994), F
(1991), Rose (1989, 1996, 1999), and Scott (1995).
3 Estimates of the indigenous population in Ecuador vary greatly. Acco
the state, Indians account for 25 percent of the national population. Ac
to conaie, they represent 45 percent (conaie 1989, 1994; Pacari 1996).
theWorld Bank noted that indígenas accounted for 30 percent of the pop
(‘‘Indigenous People in Latin America,’’ hro Dissemination Notes, No. 8
1993). In part, this variation reflects the politics of the entity doing the
ing. But in part, this variation also reflects the difficulty of quantifying
what is indigenous. Indigenous identity is a moving target that has no si
static determinate. Defining what precisely is and is not an indigenous
is problematic, debatable, and in transition, as people’s personal identi
of themselves change through time and according to circumstance.
4 See Allen (1996), Boyer (1990), Gordon (1988), Hall and Jacques (1989),
(1990), and Lipietz (1987).
5 Fordism—the large-scale, assembly-line mass production that had led
economies to impressive growth—had reached the limits of its produc
pacity, work forces resisted ever-increasing repetitive work, and consu
patterns shifted more quickly than production could match.
6 Corporate capitalism responded by gradually transforming its regime
mulation away from standardized, mass production and toward flexib
cialized, just-in-time batch production. In general, companies emplo
strategies toward this end. First, many industries transformed the labor
by automating the workplace within industrialized nations, a move tha
ized a significant portion of the Western work force into deskilled and r
workers. Second, a record number of multinational corporations bega
g
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