1 Bertillon, ‘‘Des diverses manières de mesurer la durée de la vie humaine,’’ 53.
2 The research for this book focuses exclusively on England. While many of the
scientific and political processes and institutional arrangements that I examine
extended equally to all of Britain, others di√ered, most notably those concerning
specific administrative arrangements and the policy process. For the purposes of
this book, my claims will thus be restricted to England.
3 Furner, Advocacy and Objectivity.
4 For a discussion of the recent date of these distinctions, their tenuous relation to
actual practices, their historical origins in the United States in the cold war, and
their ideological character, see Mirowski and Sent, ‘‘Introduction.’’
5 For classic examples see MacKenzie, Statistics in Britain, 1865–1930, Shapin and
Scha√er, Leviathan and the Air-Pump, and the contributions to Barnes and
Shapin, Natural Order.
6 The association of statistics and survey work is largely a product of postwar
developments. Before the Second World War, social survey research was used to
generate a number of types of analysis, including in-depth case studies and vari-
ous forms of qualitative exploration. It was only with the war and the establish-
ment of survey research centers equipped to conduct large-scale social surveys
that social statistics and survey work came to be identified as two sides of the
same activity. In England in the early part of the century, members of statistical
societies set out to conduct their own surveys. However, by the 1840s most had
abandoned the task. In France survey work by followers of LePlay developed
separately from social statistics. Nineteenth-century social surveys are the object
of a number of excellent studies. For an Enlightenment view of social surveys in
Britain see Bulmer, Bales, and Sklar, The Social Survey in Historical Perspective,
1880–1914. For a more radical approach, focused on the role of social science in
general and social surveys in particular in social exclusion, see Yeo, The Contest for
Social Science, chapter 3. Analyses of the French experience can be found in
Elwitt, ‘‘Social Reform and Social Order in Late Nineteenth-Century France,’’
Savoye, ‘‘Les débuts de la sociologie empirique,’’ Desrosières, ‘‘L’ingénieur d’État
et le père de famille,’’ Desrosières, ‘‘L’opposition entre deux forms d’enquête,’’
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