1 To protect the privacy of research subjects, I have changed the names of most of the
people whose stories are described in this book. In some cases I have combined the
stories of two or more people and changed certain identifying features to more
thoroughly disguise individuals. While these eff orts to disguise the identity of in-
for mants may somewhat distort the data, I have been concerned above all to ano-
nymize research subjects suffi ciently that those familiar with the locale not be able
to identify the individuals. Th is has required some careful thinking and decision
making about which ethnographic materials would best serve in the construction
of a context or background against which other materials would be drawn out
contrastively as analytically central. In some instances I have included a subject’s
real name and other identifying information; I have adopted this approach in par-
tic u lar for historical information in which living persons are not named or impli-
cated directly.
2 For Freud, while transference itself appeared early on in a patient’s analysis, the
transference neurosis crystallized over the course of the treatment, enveloping the
doctor in an or ga nized web of signifi cations representing the patient’s intrapsychic
confl icts of childhood. Th e transference neurosis was a cohesive “new edition” of
the patient’s childhood neurosis. As Freud described this development, “the trans-
ference thus creates an intermediate region between illness and real life through
which the transition from the one to the other is made. Th e new condition has
taken over all the features of the illness; but it represents an artifi cial illness which
is at every point accessible to our intervention” (1914, 154). According to Freud’s
theory of psychoanalytic cure, “we regularly succeed in giving all the symptoms of
the illness a new transference meaning and in replacing the ordinary neurosis by
a ‘transference neurosis’ of which he [the patient] can be cured by the therapeutic
work” (1914, 154).
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