Notes
Introduction
I
Mario Vargas Llosa has articulated his position in his fictional and
nonfictional writing. Among his fiction see, for example, Death in the
Andes (1996), and among what he would consider nonfiction see
"Questions of Conquest" (1990b:45-46), and his very consequen-
tial "Informe sobre Uchuraccay" (especially 110-114) (1990a:79-
114)·
2
Such ambiguities in the definition of race disappeared as class, gen-
der, and geography increasingly structured racial relationships and
consolidated individual racial labels.
3 Besides Gramsci (1987), the works of Williams (1977); Hall (1986);
Laclau and Mouffe (1985); and Mallon (1995), have inspired my
treatment of the aspects of hegemony relevant to my study. I thank
Florencia Mallon for illuminating discussions and inspiration on this
topic.
4 This paraphrases Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist, "Glossary,"
in Bakhtin, 199°:427.
5
In Cuzco, for example, dominant male intellectuals performed self-
representations within a gendered racial discourse that contested
their subordination vis-a-vis dominant Lima intellectuals while de-
ploying discourses that subordinated regional "inferior" others. This
process repeated itself at other levels, where subordinate cuzquefio
men and women became the superordinators of even more "inferior"
others.
6 Other scholars agree on the point. See Stepan, 1982; Barkan, 1992.
7
Paraphrased in Stoler, 1995:72; and Poole, 1997:212.
8 About race as a politically defined notion see ami and Winant, 1986;
Gilroy, 1987; Frankenberg, 1993; Anthias and Yuval-Davis, 1992;
Goldberg, 1993; among others.
9
Knox, 1862:497, quoted in Young, 1995:17.
10 Knox published in 1862; Broca in 1864; Spencer from 1864 to 1867
(see Young, 1995; Stepan, 1982).
I I
Clemente Palma was a limefio Le Bonian, who denied the possibil-
ity of racial improvement by means of formal instruction. He fol-
lowed the European thinker's belief that "racial souls" could not be
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