1. Xavier Albó and Matías Preiswerk studied how both faith and power are re-
vealed in this ritual’s social organization in Los señores del Gran Poder. Also see
Rossana Barragán and Cleverth Cárdenas, Gran poder; David Guss, “The Gran
Poder and the Reconquest of La Paz”; and Jeff Himpele, “The Gran Poder Parade
and the Local Movement of the Aymara Middle Class.”
2. See Harris, “Ethnic Identity and Market Relations,” 367.
3. See Lott, Love and Theft. Philip Deloria traces several key moments of
American history through which whites construct an American identity by play-
ing Indian (Playing Indian). Luke Lassiter tells his own complex story about his
childhood participation in scouting and powwows and how he had to renegoti-
ate the terms of his own fascination with Indians when, as an anthropologist, he
studied the Kiowa (The Power of Kiowa Song). A note on terminology and capi-
talization: generally, I will use the lowercase form “indian” throughout this book
because many scholars working in Latin America have given good reasons for
doing so. For Latin America, the term is a contested cultural construct, refers to
a colonial category, makes no reference to contemporary nationality, and points
consistently to structured positions of marginality (Wade, Race and Ethnicity in
Latin America, 121; Abercrombie, Pathways of Memory and Power, xviii; Canessa,
Natives Making Nation, 24–25). For the North American context, the capital “I”
is not so easily set aside, however. In the few cases where I reference scholarship
about American Indians, I will use the term’s capitalized form, following what
is standard within that field. The term will also be capitalized when I reference
other scholars who have maintained this form. These seemingly minor stylistic
differences in scholarship point to contrasting conceptualizations of indigeneity,
between North and South American contexts, that are yet to be unpacked fully,
and that are beyond the scope of this book.
4. In his study of antebellum minstrelsy, Eric Lott moves away from a single
monolithic interpretation of these performances as expressions of white domi-
nation; he reads minstrelsy through white working- class positions, arguing that
these performers were motivated by “envy as well as repulsion, sympathetic
identification as well as fear” (Love and Theft, 8).
5. Weismantel, Cholas and Pishtacos.
6. For a historian’s discussion of the emergence of the mestizo- cholo in the
city of La Paz, see the work of Rossana Barragán (“Entre polleras, lliqllas, y
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