1 Williams explains keywords as ‘‘words which, beginning in particular specialized
contexts, have become quite common in descriptions of wider areas of thought
and experience.’’ They are the vocabularies ‘‘we share with others, often imper-
fectly, when we wish to discuss many of the central processes of our common life’’
2 Kim Eun Mee 1997; Rhee 1994; Wade 1990; Bello and Rosenfeld 1990; Haggard
1990; Amsden 1989; Deyo 1987.
3 Kil and Moon 2001; Diamond and Kim 2000; Doh C. Shin 1999; Weiner, Hunting-
ton, and Almond 1994.
4 For discourse on Confucianism and East Asian economic development, see Tu
1996; Berger and Hsiao 1988; Dore 1987; and Morishima 1982.
5 Building on Edward Said’s seminal work Orientalism (1978), scholars of diverse
disciplines have examined the relationship between the economic, political, and
cultural powerof theWest and knowledge about non-Western societies produced
in the West and elsewhere. See Escobar 1995; Marchand and Parpart 1995; and
6 While the speciﬁc tradition (in the form of, say, religion or cosmology) that gen-
erated a given gender ideology is crucial to our understanding of contemporary
gender politics in a speciﬁc social context, we need to treat tradition not as the
ﬁxed repositoryof values and practices but as a major site of cultural contestation
among various social actors (Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983). In a careful examina-
tion of contemporary discourses on sati and dowry murders, for example, Uma
Narayan (1997) argues for ‘‘restoring history and politics to ‘Third-world tradi-
tions.’ ’’ This means that we need to pay attention to economic and political inter-
ests of diﬀerent social groups that inform the construction of a speciﬁc cultural
practice as an element of tradition. As studies of the cultural politics of tradition
and collective identity often note, women and the family tend to occupy both a
privileged and a constrained position for maintaining tradition as the essential-
ized core of cultural and national identity (Yuval-Davis and Anthias 1989).