1 According to the unhcr, at the end of June 2013 the registered Somali population
at Dadaab stood at 409,000. By the end of September 2016 the camp population
had been reduced to 261,000, and the camp is scheduled for closure in mid- 2017.
See http://data.unhcr.org/horn- of- africa/region.php?id=3.
1 This history is examined in greater detail in Fraenkel (1964) and Liebenow (1987).
2 The term civilized was, and to some degree remains, a widely employed if ill-
deﬁned local designation in Liberia. It refers, as Fraenkel put it in the late 1950s,
to Liberians considered to be well educated, but even more importantly to those
who adopted “Western dress . . . house type and furniture” (1964: 68; see also
Moran 1990, 2006: 74 – 100).
3 There is no easy way to disaggregate the various groups of actors in the story of
Monrovia’s wartime and postwar urbanization. There is, therefore, no precise way
to know how many of the young men who make up Monrovia’s male underclass
are ex- combatants. Those statistics that do exist, however, paint a staggering
picture. The United Nations’ ﬁnal report on the Disarmament, Demobilisation,
Rehabilitation and Reintegration Programme (ddrrp), for example, claims that
the program enrolled nearly 104,000 ex- ﬁghters. The ﬁrst disarmament at Camp
Schieﬀelin, a military base just outside the capital, registered almost 13,000 peo-
ple, and was followed by a number of other disarmament exercises in the Monro-
via area. In other words, a signiﬁcant percentage of those who disarmed after the
war did so in the capital and its immediate surroundings, and there is every rea-
son to believe that a good many more ex- combatants made their way to Monrovia