1 See chapter 2 of this book for a discussion of colonial language policies.
2 See chapter 2 for a further elaboration of this point.
3 For the history of Taglish in creolized varieties of late nineteenth-century
Spanish, see Anderson, Why Counting Counts. See also Rafael, “Taglish, or the
Phantom Power of the Lingua Franca,” in White Love and Other Events in Filipino
History, 162–88. Also useful are the recent collections of essays in Bautista
and Bolton, Philippine English; and Mabanglo and Galang, Essays on Philippine
Language and Literature. An important study from a sociolinguistic perspective
is Gonzalez, Language and Nationalism.
4 This private school argot refers, respectively, to La Salle Taft and Green Hills
(where the preponderance of Spanish mestizos meant that English and
Tagalog were liberally laced with Spanish, especially cuss words), Assump-
tion Convent (a school for the daughters of the wealthy and the aspirational
middle class, where a characteristically precious sing-song type of Taglish
emerged), the Ateneo de Manila University (the Jesuit school of Rizal and
other notable Filipino intellectuals, which, once taken over by American Je-
suits, became the site for the emergence of an American English that preten-
tiously sought to approximate standard American pronunciation), and Xavier
School and Immaculate Concepcion (the Catholic-run Chinese schools
where Mandarin was required alongside English and, by the 1970s, Tagalog,
but where Hokkien and Cantonese were also spoken by the students). A his-
tory of this creolized milieu from the 1950s to the 1970s is yet to be written.
5 See chapter 2 for a more extended discussion of postwar urban speech.
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