notes
preface
1 This quote was presented as representative in Time magazine, which claimed, ‘‘Many
voters were clearly casting their ballots for Ronald Reagan the man, not for the Republican
Party’’ (Thomas 45).
2 Although it does not discuss Reaganism directly, Christopher Newfield’s The Emerson E√ect
makes a compelling case for a symbiotic relation between liberal and authoritarian im-
pulses in Emerson’s conception of individualism. Newfield uses the term ‘‘corporate indi-
vidualism . . . to describe the desired outcome of Emerson’s liberalism: the enhancement
of freedom through the loss of both private and public control’’ (5). In Newfield’s ac-
count, Emerson’s writing helps to produce a middle-class culture of submission and
deference.
3 Fiscus adopts ‘‘what might be called a group perspective on the law rather than restricting
himself to what might be called the individual perspective’’ (xi). He characterizes his
central argument as the combination of ‘‘a claim of distributive justice with a stipulated
assumption about equality at birth and with deductive reasoning about subsequent depar-
tures from that equality’’ (15).
4 The editors of the volume Is Multiculturalism Bad For Women? o√er this definition: ‘‘Multi-
culturalism, according to one especially compelling formulation, is the radical idea that
people in other cultures, foreign and domestic, are human beings, too—moral equals,
entitled to equal respect and concern, not to be discounted or treated as a subordinate
caste. Thus understood, multiculturalism condemns intolerance of other ways of life,
finds the human in what might seem Other, and encourages cultural diversity.’’ They note,
however, that, ‘‘on closer inspection, multiculturalism resists easy reconciliation with
egalitarian convictions. After all, some cultures do not accept, even as theory, the principle
that people are owed equal respect and concern (of course, no culture fully practices the
principle). Moreover, tensions with decent treatment for women seem especially acute. In
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