1 This quote is taken from an interview with Guardino that appears in Cath-
erine Scott, dir., Selling Sickness (Ronin Films, 2004).
2 Ibid.
3 Preliminary analyses of the phenomenon of disease-mongering are col-
lected in a special issue of plos Medicine (Moynihan and Henry, ‘‘Disease
Mongering’’). At issue for these critics is the ‘‘medicalization’’ of everyday
problems previously regarded merely as troublesome inconveniences—a
process that is said to naturalize certain solutions (the prescription of drugs)
at the expense of others. They critique phenomena such as direct-to-
consumer advertising of pharmaceuticals and the corporate sponsoring of
research and medical activities, and point to a host of negative consequences
of the pharmaceuticalization of health, ranging from rising health care costs
to iatrogenic harm. But despite these important contributions, these cri-
tiques generally reinstate the professional authority of medicine in their
e√orts to determine ‘‘proper’’ diagnosis and the ‘‘rational’’ use of drugs, and
fail to appreciate how diagnostic categories and medical authority always
refer to, consolidate, and reproduce a wider field of normalization—even
when properly maintained (perhaps especially). The idea that commercial-
ization critique does not quite adequately describe, nor address, many of the
important problems, is one of the themes of this book. I develop a slightly
di√erent approach to consumer subjectivity and subjectification.
4 Nikolas Rose, ‘‘The Politics of Life Itself.’’
5 More recently, the absence of pleasure from understandings of health be-
havior has been questioned. See Coveney and Bunton, ‘‘In Pursuit of the
Study of Pleasure’’; and O’Malley and Valverde, ‘‘Pleasure, Freedom and
Drugs.’’ See also the articles in the important edition of the International
Journal of Drug Policy on harm reduction and pleasure (Treloar and Holt,
‘‘Pleasure and Drugs’’).
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