1 This reverses the public legend of Chile’s political success and its reputation as a land of
stability; under this gaze, the 1973 coup came as a surprise especially for those willing
to dismissthe turbulent underworld ofChilean history. Nevertheless, andagainst those
stabilizing legends that endorse a single, propitious version of the Chilean past, frag-
mented stories of dissection and dismemberment are ever-present as a challenge to
state authority.
2 See, most notably, the analysis of Tomas
3 On the Scilingo case, see the general analysis of Marguerite Feitlowitz (1998) and Hora-
cio Verbitsky’s account (1995) when Scilingo’s confessions were first made known.
4 Cited in Mariano del Mazo (1999).
5 Paradoxically, los escraches recall the gestures of Sarmiento, Argentina’s first ‘‘tagger,’’
who claims to have left his graffiti on public walls during the years of the Rosas regime.
Among those who have commented on this youth movement, Hugo Vezzetti (1998)
emphasizes the discrepancy between memory and direct involvement and criticizes the
absence of an autonomous political movement to incorporate the protests by youths.
6 MarceloBrodsky’s‘‘Buenamemoria’’[Goodmemory](1997),aninstallationofphotog-
raphy and film, includes the video by Sabrina Farji. The catalog of the exhibition, with
commentary by Martin Caparros, ´ Jose Pablo Feinmann, and Juan Gelman gives a good
overview of the debate about memory.
7 It is here that I want to move beyond the Kantian sensus communis logicus, which defends
the reign of political debate derived from carefully posited building blocks in the exer-
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