notes
introduction
1 Sex and gender identities and terminologies proliferate. In recent years the word
transgender has become common as an umbrella term meant to encompass a wide
variety of established and emerging identities. This language is constantly shifting
and being inhabited differently by different people. When I write about trans- peo-
ple as a larger group, I adopt the term trans- . Whereas Stryker et al. (2008) use
the term trans- in order to leave open the possibility of kinds of crossing that are
not limited to gender, I use the open- ended hyphen to call attention to the many
possible endings of the term, all of which are important to the people who identify
themselves as such.
2 U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, “Nondiscrimination in Health
Programs and Activities,” 81 Fed. Reg. 96 (May 18, 2016), Federal Register: The Daily
Journal of the United States, July 2016. Online.
3 Drs. Ousterhout and Joel Beck insisted that I identify them by their real names. All
other names of patients and doctors are pseudonyms, except those cited in pub-
lished works.
4 For early European clinical trials on ffs, see Becking et al. 1996; Gooren and
Doorn 1997; Hage et al. 1997a, 1997b. For invocations of eventual ffs as an en-
dorsement of adolescent hormone intervention, see Cohen- Kettenis et al. 2008,
2011; Rosenthal 2014; Shumer and Spack 2013. For a critical discussion of such
endorsements, see Sadjadi 2013.
5 Butler’s contemporaries who were taking up the gendered histories of sciences
in other terms include Jordanova 1989; Laqueur 1990; Russett 1989; Schiebinger
1989, 1993; Stepan 1986.
6 Of course credit for this shift in thinking about gender does not go to Butler alone.
One could call on a long tradition of sociology, from Cooley to Goffman and later
Garfinkle (1967) and Kessler and McKenna (1978), who have all studied gender as a
form of socially structured doing, a deliberate action that gets its sense through recog-
nition. Anthropological scholarship of gender has had an abiding interest in attend-
ing to specific social practices and how they trouble simple biological narratives of
sex difference. These stretch back to Margaret Mead ([1935] 2001) and Ruth Benedict
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