collage with woman in foreground
1 See special issues of the Cambridge Journal of Economics 1983, and Review
of Political Economy 2003; Feiwel 1989a, 1989b; Turner 1989; Rima 1991;
Harcourt 1995; Marcuzzo et al. 1996; Kerr and Harcourt 2002; and Gibson
2 For a survey of the major debates in this controversy, see Harcourt 1972.
3 Letter from Pigou to Robinson, circa June-July 1933, jvr/vii/347/6.
4 Letter from Pigou to Robinson, circa June-July 1933, jvr/vii/347/27–28.
5 Letter from Austin to Robinson, circa October-November 1932, jvr/
6 Letter from Fay to Pigou, Keynes, and Shove, 3/2/35, jmk/ua/5/31/137–38.
7 Letter from Fay to Keynes, 3/6/35, jmk/ua/5/4/31–32.
8 See also Bruno Latour on the strategic and tactical logic at work in the
career of Louis Pasteur (Latour 1988) and the physicist Frédéric Joliot
(Latour 1999). We also follow the path taken by Guy Oakes and Arthur
Vidich (1999) in their analysis of the strategies employed by C. Wright
Mills, who used his close relationship and collaboration with Hans Gerth
to establish his professional identity as one of the ﬁrst American Weberian
9 On the case for a geography of science, see also Ophir and Shapin 1991 and
Shapin 1998. Historically rich investigations of the role of local scientiﬁc
cultures in the conception and production of research programs, the con-
stitution of scientiﬁc identities, and the socialization of scientiﬁc workers
include Olesko 1991; Rudwick 1985; Shapin 1994; Shapin and Schaffer 1985;
Traweek 1988; Warwick 2003.
10 The reliability of our account depends in part on our efforts to decipher
handwritten notes and letters exchanged by Cambridge economists: chiefly
Austin and Joan Robinson, Kahn, Pigou, Shove, and, to a more limited ex-
tent, Keynes. On the whole, we are conﬁdent of the results, even in the case
of Pigou, whose barely legible scrawl often defeated his friends, colleagues,
typists, and publishers. With the exception of punctuation, which we have
added to avoid confusion, we have remained faithful to archival sources. In