1 Unless otherwise noted, all names have been changed.
2 For example, see: Nahid Alsanbeigui, Steve Pressman, and Gale Summerfield,
Women in the Age of Economic Transformation: Gender Impacts of Reforms in
Postsocialist and Developing Countries (New York: Routledge, 1994); Mary Buck-
ley, Post-Soviet Women: From the Baltic to Central Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1997); Barbara Einhorn, Cinderella Goes to Market: Citizenship,
Gender, and Women’s Movements in East Central Europe (London: Verso, 1993);
Valentine Moghadam, ed., Democratic Reform and the Position of Women in
Transitional Economies (Oxford: Clarendon, 1993); Nanette Funk and Magda
Mueller, eds., Gender Politics and Post-Communism: Reflections from Eastern Eu-
rope and the Former Soviet Union (New York: Routledge, 1993); Chris Corrin,
Superwoman and the Double Burden: Women’s Experience of Change in Central
and Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union (Toronto: Second Story, 1992);
Marilyn Rueschemeyer, ed., Women in the Politics of Postcommunist Eastern Eu-
rope (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1994); and Kristen Ghodsee, ‘‘Women and
Economic Transition: Mobsters and Mail-Order Brides in Bulgaria,’’ Berkeley
Center for Slavic and Eastern European Studies Newsletter (fall 2000): 5–7, 10–13,
3 National Statistical Institute, Employment and Unemployment 4/2003 (Sofia: nsi,
4 I spent twenty months doing research in Bulgaria over a period of five years using
both qualitative and quantitative methods. The majority of the research was
conducted while I was living in Sofia from June 1999 to August 2000, and travel-
ing on a monthly basis to either Albena, Golden Sands, Borovetz, or Pamporovo.
The bulk of the qualitative data I collected is based on more than fifteen months
of fieldwork and participant observation in Bulgaria in 1999 and 2000. During
this time, I also conducted over 100 formal interviews with Bulgarians employed
in all levels of tourism, as well as with politicians and government o≈cials in
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