Notes
introduction
1 All translations from the Spanish are my own. Except for recognized public
figures (e.g., the mayor of Cochabamba), the names of individuals appearing
in newspaper articles, interview transcripts, and ethnographic descriptions
have been disguised or replaced by pseudonyms to protect individual identi-
ties. I have retained the actual names of places (including Villa Sebastián
Pagador) throughout.
2 The violence I’m describing as centered on issues of law and law enforcement
is paralleled in other Latin American countries by recent violence in response
to economic uncertainty, which has led to food riots, looting, and other forms
of protest in Argentina, Brazil, and Peru; for other parallels, see Orlove (1997);
Serulnikov (1994).
3 Not all cities in colonial Spanish America fit this description, as Hardoy (1975:
30) points out. Port cities, for example, typically served as docking areas for
loading and unloading ships before they became cities, and their expansion
followed the pragmatic and apparently chaotic pattern laid down during this
earlier phase of their development. Mining centers also tended to be built on
irregular topography, which made an orderly grid pattern di≈cult to imple-
ment. On urban public space in Latin America, see Low (1996, 2000).
4 One of the few aspects of Inca society to elicit admiration from the Spanish
was the highly ordered and organized physical design of their cities (Kagan
2000).
5 A circular or ring design was an alternative to the checkerboard pattern found
in Renaissance Europe. Even more than the grid, the circular design expressed
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